November 14, 1862: Gen. Burnside organizes the Army of the Potomac by creating a new unit designation: two corps combined would make a Grand Division. The II and IX Corps are designated as the Right Grand Division under Gen. Edwin V. Sumner, the I and VI Corps are combined into the Left Grand Division under Gen. William Franklin, the III and V Corps become the Central Grand Division under Gen. Joseph Hooker, and the XI Corps remains alone as the Reserve.
—Pres. Lincoln and Gen. Halleck both authorize Burnside to try his plan of a flanking march east to Fredericksburg, and thus the fateful campaign begins. Burnside issues orders for his army of 114,000 to step off tomorrow. The president gives his approval despite the clear opportunity for Burnside to interpose his army between Jackson at Winchester (in the Shenandoah Valley) and Longstreet at Warrenton, and thus split Lee’s army. (Click on map above.)
—The Richmond Daily Dispatch publishes a story on how the Richmond police arrested a counterfeiting ring run by slaves, who were stealing Confederate bank notes and forging the signatures on the money.
A no-frills day-by-day account of what was happening 150 years ago, this blog is intended to be a way that we can experience or remember the Civil War with more immediacy, in addition to understanding the flow of time as we live in it.
Wednesday, November 14, 2012
November 13, 1862
November 13, 1862: Cavalry under the command of Gen. Ulysses S. Grant occupy the town of Holly Springs, Mississippi today. The 7th Kansas Cavalry under Col. Albert Lee spars with a rear guard left by the Confederates, who apparently have abandoned the town. The Rebel cavalry evacuates, and Lee’s troopers then dash into Holly Springs and capture about 100 prisoners, although most of them are convalescents in the military hospital. However, since this is only a reconnaissance mission, Grant orders Lee to pull back.
—On the Calhoun River, Kentucky, 400 Union troops under command of a Colonel Shanks attack a Rebel encampment, where they scatter the Rebel fighters and capture a large amount of horses and camp equipment.
—George Templeton Strong of New York City writes in his journal reflecting the anxieties that many in the North are feeling about the War, including the thought (anticipating Pres. Lincoln) that much of the blame for the conflict lies with the North:
The war languishes. We are slowly invading Virginia, but there is nothing decisive or vigorous done there ore elsewhere. I’ve a dim forebodi ng of a coming time when we shall think of the war not as "languishing" and too slow to satisfy our appetite for excitement, but as a terrible, crushing, personal calamity to every one of us; when there shall be no more long trains of carriages all along Fifth Avenue bound for Central Park, when the wives and daughters of contractors shall cease to crowd Stewart’s and Tiffany’s, and when I shall put no burgundy on my supper table. Much of the moral guilt of this terrible, murderous convulsion lies at our doors. South Carolina would never have dared to secede but for our toadyism, our disposition to uphold and justify the wickedness of Southern institutions. The logic of history requires that we suffer for our sins far more than we yet have suffered. "Without the shedding of blood there is no remission of sins." It is impossible this great struggle can pass without our feeling it more than we have yet felt it. It is inevitable, but in what particulr way we shall be visited I cannot foresee.
—John Beauchamp Jones, of the Confederate War Department, notes in his journal of the change in command over the Northern troops. It is interesting to observe how thoroughly McClellan has also persuaded the Southern populace as well as the North that he was the best general the North had:
A gentleman, arrived to-day from Maryland, reports that Gen. McClellan has been removed, and the command given to Burnside! He says, moreover, that this change has given umbrage to the army. This may be our deliverance; for if McClellan had been let alone two weeks longer (provided he ascertained our present condition), he might have captured Richmond, which would be holding all Eastern and much of Central Virginia. This blunder seems providential.
—On the Calhoun River, Kentucky, 400 Union troops under command of a Colonel Shanks attack a Rebel encampment, where they scatter the Rebel fighters and capture a large amount of horses and camp equipment.
—George Templeton Strong of New York City writes in his journal reflecting the anxieties that many in the North are feeling about the War, including the thought (anticipating Pres. Lincoln) that much of the blame for the conflict lies with the North:
—John Beauchamp Jones, of the Confederate War Department, notes in his journal of the change in command over the Northern troops. It is interesting to observe how thoroughly McClellan has also persuaded the Southern populace as well as the North that he was the best general the North had:
Tuesday, November 13, 2012
November 12, 1862
November 12, 1862: Pres. Lincoln attends the wedding of Kate Chase, daughter of Sec. of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase, to Senator-elect William Sprague IV of Rhode Island, former governor, and formerly a colonel having served at the Battle of First Bull Run. William and Kate are destined to be the new power couple of Washington, in the eyes of most observers. They are young, handsome, and come from powerful families.

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| Katherine Chase, daughter of Salmon Chase, and disappointed non-First Lady |

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| Colonel-Governor-Senator-elect William Sprague IV |
Sprague had been the "boy governor" of Rhode Island and now has won a seat in the U.S. Senate. He is very ambitious and has an alcohol problem. Kate Chase is also very ambitious and very beautiful. She had planned to act as First Lady when her father won the Presidency, but Chase was of course beaten out by Lincoln for the nomination. Kate is said to be scornful of the Lincolns, and rather put out that she was usurped by the pretentious and unpleasant Mary Todd Lincoln.
—As a result of the Dakota War in Minnesota, many Dakota have been imprisoned, as that conflict ended. In that war, over 500 white American are killed, and only about 60 Dakota warriors have lost their lives. The government decides to try the Dakota for "murder, rape and other outrages." Ten Dakota are convicted and hanged, and another six are released, but over the ensuing days, 383 Dakota were tried. Lincoln heard tell of the tribunals and asked for them to stop—that no more executions take place without a presidential order, and that he wants to see the documents on each trial. The 1700 uncondemned Dakota are moved to Fort Snelling. Gen. Pope agrees to send Lincoln the requested information, but he says, that the only distinction between the culprits is as to which of them murdered most people or violated most young girls. All of them are guilty of these things in more or less degree. The people . . . are exasperated . . . and if the guilty are not all executed I think it nearly impossible to prevent the indiscriminate massacre of all the Indians---old men, women, and children. . . ."
—Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, of the Confederate Army, finally recovered from his severe wounds at the Battle of Seven Pines back in May, is offered command of the Confederate armies between the Appalachians and the Mississippi River.
—The New York Times, in an editorial, presents an argument for why the Democrats need to stop obsessing about the Emancipation Proclamation:
The President’s Proclamation.
Published: November 12, 1862
We find it utterly impossible to account, on any just principles, for the hostility evinced in Democratic quarters to the President’s Proclamation menacing the rebels with emancipation of their slaves unless they return to their allegiance. It is a purely military proceeding — aiming at the overthrow of the rebellion and the restoration of the Union. If its object were the abolition of Slavery, it would have decreed that abolition, as it might have done under the law of Congress, at once, and as a penalty for past offences. But it does nothing of the sort. . . .
Not a single slave has yet been set free by this Proclamation. The rebels have it in their power to prevent the liberation of a single slave under its provisions: — and that, too, without doing anything but what it is their duty to do under any circumstances. . . . The fate of Slavery is thus exclusively in their own hands. If they seek its abolition, they can secure it. If they desire its preservation, they can secure that.
But it is claimed that they ought not to be thus compelled to choose between Slavery and Secession, but that they should be allowed to enjoy both — that the National Government should protect the former for them while they are waging war upon it to secure the latter. The mere statement of the claim proves its absurdity. No community can have War and Peace at the same time. If they choose to wage war they must surrender for the time the blessings and securities of peace. . . .
Nor is there the shadow of a reason why Slavery should claim exemption from the rigors and exposures which war brings upon all other forms of property and of labor. There is nothing in the Constitution which guarantees to it such exemption. True, that instrument provides that no man shall be "deprived of life, liberty or property, but by due process of law;" but this does not secure the slaveholding rebel in the possession of his slave, any more than of his cattle, his musket or his life. . . .
But it is urged that this measure tends to incite insurrection among the slaves, and thus to involve the innocent in destruction. Whose duty is it to protect them against such calamities? . . . We must not touch their slaves, lest we should thus put them under the necessity of using their troops elsewhere than against us. That seems to us an absolutely conclusive argument on the other side.
With the exception of a very few Abolitionists, nobody at the North was ever in favor of waging war upon the South for the purpose of freeing its slaves. The great body of the Republicans, as of every other party at the North, would to-day oppose a war waged for such a purpose. . . . There is no law of Nations, of the Constitution, or of common sense, which requires or permits us to leave so powerful a weapon in the hands of our enemies, untouched. It is our duty, if we seek success, to wrest it from their hands, or to paralyze it in their grasp. . . . If they [Democrats] are sincere in these professions, they cannot object to emancipation as a legitimate weapon for the accomplishment of these ends.
Published: November 12, 1862
We find it utterly impossible to account, on any just principles, for the hostility evinced in Democratic quarters to the President’s Proclamation menacing the rebels with emancipation of their slaves unless they return to their allegiance. It is a purely military proceeding — aiming at the overthrow of the rebellion and the restoration of the Union. If its object were the abolition of Slavery, it would have decreed that abolition, as it might have done under the law of Congress, at once, and as a penalty for past offences. But it does nothing of the sort. . . .
Not a single slave has yet been set free by this Proclamation. The rebels have it in their power to prevent the liberation of a single slave under its provisions: — and that, too, without doing anything but what it is their duty to do under any circumstances. . . . The fate of Slavery is thus exclusively in their own hands. If they seek its abolition, they can secure it. If they desire its preservation, they can secure that.
But it is claimed that they ought not to be thus compelled to choose between Slavery and Secession, but that they should be allowed to enjoy both — that the National Government should protect the former for them while they are waging war upon it to secure the latter. The mere statement of the claim proves its absurdity. No community can have War and Peace at the same time. If they choose to wage war they must surrender for the time the blessings and securities of peace. . . .
Nor is there the shadow of a reason why Slavery should claim exemption from the rigors and exposures which war brings upon all other forms of property and of labor. There is nothing in the Constitution which guarantees to it such exemption. True, that instrument provides that no man shall be "deprived of life, liberty or property, but by due process of law;" but this does not secure the slaveholding rebel in the possession of his slave, any more than of his cattle, his musket or his life. . . .
But it is urged that this measure tends to incite insurrection among the slaves, and thus to involve the innocent in destruction. Whose duty is it to protect them against such calamities? . . . We must not touch their slaves, lest we should thus put them under the necessity of using their troops elsewhere than against us. That seems to us an absolutely conclusive argument on the other side.
With the exception of a very few Abolitionists, nobody at the North was ever in favor of waging war upon the South for the purpose of freeing its slaves. The great body of the Republicans, as of every other party at the North, would to-day oppose a war waged for such a purpose. . . . There is no law of Nations, of the Constitution, or of common sense, which requires or permits us to leave so powerful a weapon in the hands of our enemies, untouched. It is our duty, if we seek success, to wrest it from their hands, or to paralyze it in their grasp. . . . If they [Democrats] are sincere in these professions, they cannot object to emancipation as a legitimate weapon for the accomplishment of these ends.
November 10, 1862
November 10, 1862: In Virginia, Gen. McClellan reviews his troops one last time, to roaring cheers and tears from his troops. Burnside rides with him, but is largely ignored. Little Mac enjoys huge popularity with his troops, and it is clear that most of them are upset about the change. Some officers murmur about conducting a coup, and others wish for all of the "abolitionists to be murdered and the army defeated." Angry officers, later in the evening, attend a soiree for McClellan. There is openly disloyal talk, and one mob of men led by Capt. George Armstrong Custer attack a reporter from the New York Tribune and beat him severely. The general puts a stop to this by saying, "Gentlemen please remember that we are here to serve the interest of no one man. We are here to serve our country."
—Gen. Grant suddenly inquires of Halleck: Is McClernand raising an army of his own that operates in my department while I do not get the reinforcements I have requested? The next day, on Nov. 11, he gets an answer from Halleck:
You have command of all troops sent to you department, and have permission to fight the enemy where you please.
H. W. HALLECK.
General-in-Chief.
—Gen. Grant suddenly inquires of Halleck: Is McClernand raising an army of his own that operates in my department while I do not get the reinforcements I have requested? The next day, on Nov. 11, he gets an answer from Halleck:
You have command of all troops sent to you department, and have permission to fight the enemy where you please.
H. W. HALLECK.
General-in-Chief.
Saturday, November 10, 2012
November 9, 1862
November 9, 1862:
Gen. Ambrose Burnside, now in command of the Army of the Potomac,
submits a plan to the War Department for the next campaign: to focus the army
against Warrenton, where Longstreet had blocked the main road to Richmond---and
then to quickly march east to Fredericksburg and attack across the Rappahannock
River, taking the town and a more direct road to Richmond, and thus putting the
Union army on the same side of the river with the Confederate army.
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| Gen. Burnside |
---A
major nor’easter storm hits the northeast, blanketing the country in snow, all
the way down into Virginia. The Army of
the Potomac begins to move in the storm.
---Stephen
Tippet Andrews, a First Sergeant in the 85th New York Infantry,
writes home to his sweetheart, Margaret Little, giving us a small glimpse into
the romantic language and conventions of the time:
I received your lounging cap which you were so
good as to send me the night before last and have now got it on as I write; You
are very thoughtful Maggie; for it is just what I was wishing for; it will be
so comfortable to wear while in the tent for a military cap is stiff and
awkward, I hope I may be able to repay your kindness some day if you was here I
would kiss you as many times as there are Stitches in the cap- There dont I
love you some? . . . I would like (to) have you take lessons upon the guitar I
will send you money to pay the expenses of, music, instrument etc. now dont say
no for it is my wish and I must be (officers always should be) obeyed.
Did you feel bad when our Black Creek girls were
rallying you of me or dont you care a fig for such things, I have had to take
it too; for my sister in one of her letters not long ago spoke of that “Little
love affair” of mine, how she found out our secret I dont know nor do I care, I
had just as leave the whole world would Know that I love so good a girl as
Maggie as not. I have never written to but one person of you and that is a
cousin living in Yates Co I have told her all about you and she has sent her
love to you I know you will accept it and give yours in return. Poor girl she
had her lover killed in the late battle at Bull run his name was Palding and he
was a Lieutenant. But I must close as it is time for dress parade so good night
a long kiss
From your own
Steve
---Gen.
Ambrose Powell Hill of the Confederate army turns 37 on this date.
---Sarah
Morgan of Baton Rouge writes in her journal about the ongoing sugar harvest,
and is carried into satirical raillery about slavery and abolition with a
Southerner’s light-hearted disdain of Yankees and their assumed lack of knowledge
about living with slaves:
Sunday, November 9th
I hardly know how
these last days have passed. I have an indistinct recollection of rides in
cane-wagons to the most distant field, coming back perched on the top of the
cane singing, “Dye my petticoats,” to the great amusement of the General who
followed on horseback. Anna and Miriam, comfortably reposing in corners, were
too busy to join in, as their whole time and attention were entirely devoted to
the consumption of cane. It was only by singing rough impromptus on Mr. Harold
and Captain Bradford that I roused them from their task long enough to join in
a chorus of “ Forty Thousand Chinese.” I would not have changed my perch, four
mules, and black driver, for Queen Victoria’s coach and six.
And to think old Abe
wants to deprive us of all that fun! No more cotton, sugar-cane, or rice! No
more old black aunties or uncles! No more rides in mule teams, no more songs in
the cane-field, no more steaming kettles, no more black faces and shining teeth
around the furnace fires! If Lincoln could spend the grinding season on a plantation,
he would recall his proclamation. As it is, he has only proved himself a fool,
without injuring us. Why, last evening I took old Wilson’s place at the bagasse
shoot, and kept the rollers free from cane until I had thrown down enough to
fill several carts, and had my hands as black as his. What cruelty to slaves!
And black Frank thinks me cruel, too, when he meets me with a patronizing grin,
and shows me the nicest vats of candy, and peels cane for me. Oh! very cruel!
And so does Jules, when he wipes the handle of his paddle on his apron, to give
“Mamselle” a chance to skim the kettles and learn how to work! Yes! and so do
all the rest who meet us with a courtesy and “Howd’y, young Missus!” Last night
we girls sat on the wood just in front of the furnace — rather Miriam and Anna
did, while I sat in their laps — and with some twenty of all ages crowded
around, we sang away to their great amusement. Poor oppressed devils! Why did
you not chunk us with the burning logs instead of looking happy, and laughing
like fools? Really, some good old Abolitionist is needed here, to tell them how
miserable they are. Can’t Mass’ Abe spare a few to enlighten his brethren?
Thursday, November 8, 2012
November 8, 1862
November 8, 1862: Maj. Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside, of Rhode Island, takes official command of the Army of the Potomac on this date, as this army’s third commander.
—On this date, Maj. Gen. Benjamin Butler, the hated commandant of occupying Union forces in New Orleans, and military governor of southern Louisiana, is relieved of his command—or rather, the orders are drafted and given. It will take some time for his replacement, Maj. Gen. Nathaniel Banks, to arrive and deliver those orders. Butler has engaged in all kinds of sketchy projects, including confiscation of citizens’ property, forcing all citizens to swear allegiance to the U.S. (and jailing those who did not), levying steep taxes on the rich, and executing men who had desecrated the U.S. flag. He also closed down Episcopal Churches, which refused to include Pres. Lincoln in their prayers and engaged in secessionist activity; such churches claimed to be operating under the instructions of their Bishop—who happened to be Maj. Gen. Leonidas Polk of the Confederate Army. Butler had been skimming profits from the sale of confiscated property of Rebels, including siezed cotton. He arranged for ships that carried his goods to be let through the blockade so that he could make a fortune selling salt to the Confederate Army. He controlled all aspects of smuggling in the region, especially in liquor.
—George Grenville Benedict, of the 12th Vermont Infantry, writes home to his hometown newspapers about a soldier’s efforts to stay warm in an unseasonably early snowstorm in Virginia, by an ingenious attempt at a makeshift "stove":
. . . Something had to be done; our toes and fingers and noses were cold; our straw and blankets were damp. We must have a fire; how to get it was something of a question. Our sole supply of metal was in our dinner furniture before us. The problem was,—given a table knife and fork, a tin cup and a tin plate, to extemporize therewith a stove, pipe and chimney. But we set to work, and Mr. Ericsson himself could not have done more with the same material. With the knife and cup we excavated a hole in the firm and adhesive clay which forms the floor of our tent; at the top the hole was a little less in circumference than our tin plate; its bottom, a foot or more below the surface, was somewhat larger. A hole was then dug outside the tent, sloping inward till it nearly met our excavation inside, and the bottoms of the two were connected by a passage two inches in diameter, worked through with the knife. From the top of our circular cavity within, a trench was made extending outside the tent, and covered by a brickbat, which turned up opportunely when most needed. The tin plate was placed over the hole, and the thing was done. You perceive the nature of the invention. This planet on which we dwell forms the body of our stove. The tin plate is both door and top of the same. The small hole at the bottom is the draught; the trench at the top is the flue. We fill it with hard wood chips, light a fire, and it works quite as well as could be expected.
The heating surface was pretty small, it is true; but we kept the old plate red hot by assiduous feeding. In an hour or two the ground around began to be sensibly warmed. A dry spot developed itself, as soon as the snow stopped falling, in the canvas of our tent over the stove, and extended slowly along the side. The temperature rose sensibly within;—and when by a fortunate stroke of policy we were enabled to substitute a sheet iron mess pan for our dinner plate, thus quadrupling our heating surface, we had all the heat we needed. We can no longer see our breath within our linen house. We laid our bread on the top of our stove and had hot toast with our tea for supper; and the prospects are that we shall sleep warm and dry to-night.
—Gen. Grant’s army approaches Holly Springs, Mississippi, and the Rebel garrison abandons the city to the Yankees.
—The merchant steamer T.B. Wales is captured by the CSS Alabama and burned at sea.
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| Maj. Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside, USA, and his famous namesake whiskers |
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| Gen. Burnside Relieves Gen. McClellan of Command |
—On this date, Maj. Gen. Benjamin Butler, the hated commandant of occupying Union forces in New Orleans, and military governor of southern Louisiana, is relieved of his command—or rather, the orders are drafted and given. It will take some time for his replacement, Maj. Gen. Nathaniel Banks, to arrive and deliver those orders. Butler has engaged in all kinds of sketchy projects, including confiscation of citizens’ property, forcing all citizens to swear allegiance to the U.S. (and jailing those who did not), levying steep taxes on the rich, and executing men who had desecrated the U.S. flag. He also closed down Episcopal Churches, which refused to include Pres. Lincoln in their prayers and engaged in secessionist activity; such churches claimed to be operating under the instructions of their Bishop—who happened to be Maj. Gen. Leonidas Polk of the Confederate Army. Butler had been skimming profits from the sale of confiscated property of Rebels, including siezed cotton. He arranged for ships that carried his goods to be let through the blockade so that he could make a fortune selling salt to the Confederate Army. He controlled all aspects of smuggling in the region, especially in liquor.
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| Maj. Gen. Benjamin Franklin Butler, USA |
—George Grenville Benedict, of the 12th Vermont Infantry, writes home to his hometown newspapers about a soldier’s efforts to stay warm in an unseasonably early snowstorm in Virginia, by an ingenious attempt at a makeshift "stove":
The heating surface was pretty small, it is true; but we kept the old plate red hot by assiduous feeding. In an hour or two the ground around began to be sensibly warmed. A dry spot developed itself, as soon as the snow stopped falling, in the canvas of our tent over the stove, and extended slowly along the side. The temperature rose sensibly within;—and when by a fortunate stroke of policy we were enabled to substitute a sheet iron mess pan for our dinner plate, thus quadrupling our heating surface, we had all the heat we needed. We can no longer see our breath within our linen house. We laid our bread on the top of our stove and had hot toast with our tea for supper; and the prospects are that we shall sleep warm and dry to-night.
—Gen. Grant’s army approaches Holly Springs, Mississippi, and the Rebel garrison abandons the city to the Yankees.
—The merchant steamer T.B. Wales is captured by the CSS Alabama and burned at sea.
November 7, 1862
November
7, 1862:
McClellan Is Fired. On this date, Gen. Buckingham, on errand from
Gen. Halleck, travels to the headquarters of Maj. Gen. Ambrose Burnside,
commander of the IX Corps, Army of the Potomac, and hands him a letter appointing
him to command of the Army of the Potomac. He is also ordered to relieve
McClellan of command. So Burnside and Buckingham board the train to
McClellan’s headquarters and deliver the letter relieving him. McClellan
writes to his wife about the experience:
I am sure that not a muscle quivered nor was the
slightest expression of feeling visible on my face. . . . They [Washington]
shall not have that triumph. They have made a great mistake – alas for my poor
country – I know in my innermost heart she never had a truer servant.
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